Dr Nishant A.Irudayadason
Professor of Philosophy and Ethics, Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth, Pune.

Sri Lanka is trying to spare both India and China, which are engaged in a war of influence there. Indebted to China, fuelled by India since the beginning of the crisis and shortages, Sri Lanka must emerge from the economic slump by making concessions to the two major rival powers. On 15 August, the Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesing paid a vibrant tribute to his powerful Indian neighbour, who according to him, has been helping Sri Lanka “since the dawn of time”. On the day of Indian Independence, the Sri Lankan Navy received a Dornier 228 aircraft from the Indian Army to strengthen the security cooperation between the two countries. The next day, Sri Lanka allowed the Chinese ship Yuan Wang 5 to be stationed in the port of Hambantota. New Delhi, which feared that the state-of-the-art ship could spy on its military installations, protested to Colombo, but could only delay its arrival.
A month after the popular uprising, driven by a situation of virtual cessation of payments in the country, which led to the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, this diplomatic incident illustrates Sri Lanka’s balancing position. For Colombo, India and China are indispensable allies. But the two great rival powers are engaged in a war of influence on the Island on Indian Ocean. During the reign of the Rajapaksa, who relied on the country’s Buddhist majority, Sri Lanka moved closer to China. Major projects have been financed by Beijing, such as the port of Hambantota. But unable to repay its construction, Sri Lanka left the concession to China. It was therefore in reality impossible to refuse the ship’s entry into the port.
The Yuan Wang 5 has been allowed to dock on the condition that it does not conduct any search while in Sri Lankan waters, port officials said, after consultations with India, the United States and China. Colombo could not deny the arrival of the ship but could ask Beijing to postpone the visit in the face of protests from India, which is concerned about China’s activities in the region. After intense negotiations, Colombo announced that it had allowed the boat to dock in Hambantota and stay there for six days. Shipping analysis websites describe the Yuan Wang 5 as a search and surveillance vessel, but according to India’s CNN-News18, it is a spy ship. The Chinese boat was allowed to enter the port on the condition that it keeps its Automatic Identification System (AIS) on when it is in Sri Lankan waters and is not allowed to conduct scientific research. New Delhi is concerned about China’s growing presence in the Indian Ocean and its influence in Sri Lanka, which India sees as its area of influence.
Relations between Sri Lanka and India are complex. After the civil war, this massive big brother was long suspected by the Sinhalese majority of supporting the Tamil minority. But thanks to the economic crisis, India has returned to grace in the eyes of the people. India has also been an unwavering ally of Sri Lanka in opening negotiations with the IMF. The loss of sovereignty over the port of Hambantota, on the other hand, has generated some mistrust of China. Sri Lanka’s economy is expected to contract by 8% this year. Talks with the IMF, due to conclude soon, and some encouraging signs, such as the stock of foreign currency that is being bailed out, suggest that the worst may be over. But to get out of the crisis, Sri Lanka must not offend either power. 10% of its national debt belongs to China, which demands exorbitant interest rates. To restructure it and avoid losing other infrastructure, the country depends on Beijing’s goodwill. Sri Lanka has given several pledges to India. The two countries agreed to exploit sixty-one oil reservoirs in the port of Trincomalee. The Indian group Adani has also obtained several industrial contracts under opaque conditions. This does not fail to worry a part of the population, marked by the experience with China.